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Телне нормальләштерү: юрамалар арасында аерма

Тарихны интерактив карап чыгу
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== Үрнәк: {{PER}}дагы кечуа теле ==
=== Статусын планлаштыру ===
{{PER}}’ның тел планлаштыру тарихы 16 гасырда испаннар тарафыннан [[колонизация]]се белән башлана. Испаннар Перуга беренче тапкыр килгәндә, испаннарның җирле халыклары арасындагы аралашу теле (лингва-франка) буларак кечуа теле кулланылган иде. Еллар узуы белән испаннар испан теленең өстенлеген алга сөрде; нәтиҗәдә испан теле Перуда киң кулланылучы һәм доминант теле дәрәҗәсенә менде.<ref name= CoronelM>Coronel-Molina, Serafin M. "Functional Domains of the Quechua Language in Peru: Issues of Status Planning." University of Pennsylvania</ref> 1975 елда Президент Хуан Веласко Альварадо ([[Juan Velasco Alvarado]]) җитәкчелегендәге Перуның революцион хөкүмәте кечуа телен Перу дәүләтенең испан теле белән бер дәрәҗәсендәге рәсми тел буларак игълан итте.”<ref name=Hornberger2>Hornberger, Nancy and Kendell A. King. "Authenticity and Unification in Quechua Language Planning." University of Pennsylvania: 1998.</ref> Дүрт ел узгач, канун үзгәртелә.<ref name=CoronelM /> Перу’ның 1979 елгы [[конституция]]се испан телен дәүләтнең бердән-бер рәсми теле буларак игълан итә; кечуа һәм аймара телләре өчен Stewart’ның классификациясендәге провинциаль функциясенә тиң “рәсми кулланылыш зоналары” билгеләнә. Шул вакыттан бирле кечуа провинциаль тел буларак яши. Бүген, кечуа телендә сөйләшүчеләр җәмгыятьләре [[Көньяк Америка]] буенча таралганы сәбәпле, чикле халыкара аралашу функциясен үти ({{ARG}}, {{BOL}}, {{BRA}}, {{CHL}}, {{COL}} һәм {{ECU}}). Шулай да, кечуа теленең түбән статуслы булуы сәбәпле, күпчелек очракларында лингва-франка буларак испан теле кулланыла. Соңгы арада, кечу теле академик мохитенең игътибарын җәлеп итте - мәктәпләрдә укытылган дисциплина буларак һәм әдәби кызыксыну темасы буларак.
<!--[[Peru]]’s history of language planning begins in the 16th century with Spanish [[colonization]]. When the Spanish first arrived in Peru, [[Quechua languages|Quechua]] served as a language of wider communication, a lingua franca, between Spaniards and Peruvian natives. As the years passed, Spaniards asserted the superiority of the Spanish language; as a result, Spanish gained prestige, taking over as a language of wider communication and the dominant language of Peru.<ref name= CoronelM>Coronel-Molina, Serafin M. "Functional Domains of the Quechua Language in Peru: Issues of Status Planning." University of Pennsylvania</ref> In 1975, under the leadership of President [[Juan Velasco Alvarado]], the revolutionary government of Peru declared Quechua an official language of the Peruvian state, “coequal with Spanish.”<ref name=Hornberger2>Hornberger, Nancy and Kendell A. King. "Authenticity and Unification in Quechua Language Planning." University of Pennsylvania: 1998.</ref> Four years later, the law was reversed.<ref name=CoronelM /> Peru’s 1979 [[constitution]] declares Spanish the only official language of the state; Quechua and Aymara are relegated to “official use zones,” equivalent to Stewart’s provincial function. Quechua has officially remained a provincial language since 1979. Today, Quechua also serves a limited international function throughout [[South America]] in [[Argentina]], [[Bolivia]], [[Brazil]], [[Chile]], [[Colombia]], and [[Ecuador]]; communities of Quechua speakers outside Peru enable communication in Quechua across borders. Still, because of Quechua’s low status, Spanish is almost always used as the lingua franca instead. Recently, Quechua has also gained ground in the academic world, both as a school subject and a topic of literary interest.
 
-->
=== Телнең корпусын планлаштыру ===
<!--The three main types of corpus planning are all evident in the development of Quechua languages in Peru. Graphization has been in process since the arrival of the Spanish in the region, when the Spanish imperialists attempted to describe the exotic sounds of the language to Europeans.<ref name= Coronel>Coronel-Molina, Serafin M. (1996). “Corpus Planning for the Southern Peruvian Quechua Language.” Working Papers in Educational Linguistics, 12 (2), pp 1-27.</ref> When Quechua was made an official language in Peru in 1975, the introduction of the language into the education and government domains made it essential to have a standard written language.<ref name= Coronel /> The task of adopting a writing system proved to be a point of contention among Peruvian linguists. Although most agreed that the [[Latin alphabet]], linguists disagreed about how to represent the phonological system of Quechua, particularly in regards to the vowel system. Representatives from the [[Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua|Peruvian Academy of the Quechua language]] and the [[SIL International|Summer Institute of Linguistics]] wanted to represent [[allophone]]s of the [[vowel]]s /i/ and /u/ with separate letters /e/ and /o/, which creates an apparent five-vowel system. They argued that this makes the language easier to learn for people who are already familiar with written Spanish. However, other Peruvian linguists argued that a three-vowel system was more faithful to the [[phonology]] of Quechua. After several years of debate and disagreement, in 1985 Peruvian linguists proposed the Pan-Quechua alphabet as an accurate representation of the language and this was adopted in [[intercultural bilingual education]] programs and textbooks. However, the Peruvian Academy and the SIL both refused to adopt it and continued to propose new alphabets, leaving the issue unsettled.<ref name= Coronel /> For more information, see [[Quechua languages#Writing_system|Quechua writing system]] and [[Quechuan and Aymaran spelling shift]]. Another of the primary issues disagreements was about how to reflect the phonological differences apparent in different dialects of Quechua. For example, some distinct dialects utilize [[Aspiration (phonetics)|aspirated]] and [[glottalization|glottalized]] versions of the [[voiceless uvular plosive|voiceless uvular stop /q/]], while others do not and some language planners found it important to reflect these dialectal differences.<ref name= Coronel /> The search for a unified alphabet reflects the process of standardization. Unlike other cases of standardization, in Quechua this has only been applied to the written language, not the spoken language and no attempt was made to change the spoken language of native speakers. Rather the standardization process was motivated by the need to have a uniform writing system to provide education to Quechua speakers in their native language. Language planners in Peru have proposed several varieties to serve as the supradialectal norm. Some saw [[Qusqu-Qullaw]] as the natural choice for a standard norm, as it is recognized to be the variety closest to that spoken by the Incas. Others argued that [[Ayacucho Quechua]] is a better option, as the language is more conservative and similar to the proto-language, while Qusqu-Qullaw has been influenced by contact with the [[Aymara language]]. [[Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino]] proposed a standard literary norm, [[Southern Quechua]] that combines features of both these dialects. This norm has been accepted by many institutions in Peru.<ref name= Coronel /> Lexical modernization has also been critical to the development of Quechua. Language planners have attempted to create new Quechua words primarily through Quechua morphemes that combine in new ways to give new meanings. In general, loanwords from other languages are considered only when there are no possibilities to develop the word through existing Quechua structures. If loanwords are adopted into the language, linguists attempt to phonologically adapt the word to match typical Quechua pronunciation norms.<ref name= Coronel />
Чыганак — https://tt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Телне_нормальләштерү